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Speaker 1: In this write up, a legal practitioner in Joku Dude

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in Joku pinpoints and fundamentals in the judgment passed against

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Marzi Namdi Kanu by Justice James Amitosho which convicted and

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sentenced the Bafra Republic agitation leader to life imprisonment, and

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in this press release the legal practitioner issued in late

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twenty twenty five entitled the twenty fourth of November twenty

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twenty five The Day Evidence Ceased to matter in Nigerian courts.

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Judicial silence, selective justice and media complicity described Justice Omitosho

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as unprofessional, stating that the most dangerous aspect of the

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judgment delivered by Justice James Kaomatosho is not merely that

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it reached a fore ordained conclusion, but that it did

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so by deliberately suppressing evidence he already admitted on record

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in his own court, thereby converting a judication into a

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procedural facade. This was not an error of law or

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an oversight of fact. It was a calculated refusal to

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engage with material evidence whose evaluation would have fatally undermined

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the prosecution’s narrative and paysing that this case is no

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longer about one man. It is about whether courts may

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openly disregard admitted evidence and still be treated as legitimate,

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and whether the media will continue to mask such conduct

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through silence. A judiciary that can ignore evidence without explanation

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has ceased to function as a court of law. A

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media that refuses to question that silence has abdicated its

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public duty. Together they place the rule of law itself

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in existential peril. Continuing in details, in Joku said, once

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evidence is admitted, it binds the judge absolutely. The conduct protest,

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silence or alleged boycott of the defendant Marzi Namdi Karo

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is legally irrelevant to that obligation. Judgment writing is not

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a negotiation with the accused. It is a solitary judicial

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duty anchored exclusively to the evidentiary record. A judge may

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reject defense evidence, but he must first confront it, evaluate it,

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and explain why it is rejected. Silence is not neutrality.

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Silence is suppression. Had Justice Omitosho evaluated the admitted video

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exhibit of Theophilis t y Danjuma, he would have been

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confronted with the inescapable reality that public calls for communities

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to harm themselves in self defense against murderous violence were

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not unique to Namdi Krnu nor criminalized when made by

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powerful establishment figures. Proper evaluation would have compelled the court

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to accept that Carnu’s calls for guns and bullets in

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Los Angeles, USA or during broadcasts were framed as community

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self defense against the ravages of armed Fulani killer herders,

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not incitement to lawless violence. Had Justice Homitosho evaluated the

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admitted video evidence of Governor Hope Uzodenbah, he would have

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known because Uzodamer stated it publicly that neither Namdi Kaaru

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nor the I po B had any hand in the

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killing of Ahmed Gulak. That single evaluation would have punctured

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one of the most politically weaponized allegations surrounding this case.

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Had Justice Omatosha listened to his fellow Yoruba kinsman and

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Nigeria’s intelligence chief had Eola olawatos and Ajai, whose statements

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were also admitted in evidence, he would have been forced

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to acknowledge that the formation of armed vigilante groups for

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community defense was openly endorsed at the highest levels of

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Nigeria’s security establishment, that acknowledgment would have led inexorably to

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the conclusion that Karnu was right to form to defend

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Igboland when the state failed to do so. Had Justice

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Omitosho evaluated the evidence surrounding Legos State Judicial Panel of

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Inquiry report on ENS’s violence, he would have seen the

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documentary trail showing that Namdi Karanu repeatedly wrote to and

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consulted Southeast governors urging them to establish a regional security

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outfit similar to a Motekan. Their refusal, not Carnu’s ambition,

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precipitated the formation of e s N. Proper judicial evaluation

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would have made clear that e s N was conceptually

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and functionally analogous to Remotecon, differing only in political acceptance,

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not in purpose. Had Justice Homatosha reviewed and evaluated the

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admitted report on ENS’s violence, he would have been confronted

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with authoritative findings that squarely blamed killings and violence on

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the army and police, not on Namdiicrnu. That report decisively

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dismantles the lazy and dishonest attribution of nationwide violence to

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ip o B broadcasts and would have stripped the prosecution’s

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claims of moral and evidentiary legitimacy. Had Justice Homatosha paid

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even minimal attention to chronology, he would have known that

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attributing post June twenty twenty one insecurity in the Southeast

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to Namdicru is factually and logically impossible. From June twenty

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twenty one onward, Carnu was held in underground DSS detention

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in Communicado, without access to telephones, visitors, council, or even

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his wife. A man locked in solitary confinement, denied all

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external communication cannot simultaneously be directing events outside detention walls.

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Time itself disproves the allegation. The failure to reconcile alleged

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acts with undisputed detention timelines is not a minor evidentiary lapse.

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It is a collapse of basic judicial reasoning. Courts that

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ignore timelines abandoned causation, and once causation is abandoned, conviction

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becomes a matter of narrative convenience rather than proof. These

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were not speculative arguments, They were admitted exhibits. Their collective

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evaluation would have collapsed the architecture of the conviction. That

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is precisely why they were ignored. The refusal to evaluate

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this evidence was not accidental, It was not procedural. It

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was outcome driven. Justice homorite Tosho ignored them because he

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was operating under an overriding imperative to convict by all means,

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regardless of the evidentiary record. This is the gravest danger

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such a judgment poses. It signals to the judiciary that

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evidence may be admitted, buried, and raised at the judgment

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stage without consequence. Even more disturbing is the silence of

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major international media organizations, none of which asked the most

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basic question any law student would pose, why did the

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court ignore defense evidence it had itself admitted? By reproducing

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the conclusions of the judgment without interrogating its evidentiary omissions,

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these media houses became unwitting accomplices in the laundering of

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judicial misconduct. This case is no longer about one man.

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It is about whether courts may openly disregard admitted evidence

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and still be treated as legitimate, and whether the media

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will continue to mask such conducts through silence. A judiciary

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that can ignore evidence without as explanation has ceased to

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function as a court of law. A media that refuses

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to question that silence has abdicated its public duty. Together,

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they place the rule of law itself in existential peril.

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Who is in Joku judein Joku Esquire? According to Google

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Gemini in Joku jude In Joku Esquire is a United

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Kingdom based human rights lawyer and a key legal adviser

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to the leader of the Indigenous People of Biafra, Ipo

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b Namdi Karu. His recent professional activities include legal representation.

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He serves as a legal consultant for Kannu and is

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a prominent member of the Masi Namdi Karnu Global Defense Consortium.

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Critique of extradition, he has accused the Nigerian government of

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violating local and international laws, specifically the African Charter on

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Human and People’s Rights regarding Karnu’s forceful extradition from Kenya

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in twenty twenty one. Judicial advocacy, he has frequently criticized

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the Nigerian judiciary, describing certain rulings as procedural theater and

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suggesting that Nigerian judges require a fresher courses on judicial

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English due to what he terms a crisis in the

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comprehension of laws. Recent filings as of late January twenty

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twenty six. He has been involved in rejecting court rulings

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that struck out applications for Kanu’s transfer to facilities closer

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to Abuja, vowing to pursue these matters on Appealedi Bridin

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Bringimgsalin